Star Tribune, Sept. 7: "Howard Schultz, the former chief executive of Starbucks who took steps earlier this year to prepare to run for president as an independent, announced that he was abandoning those plans. Schultz said he had concluded that an independent bid would pose too great a risk of helping Trump win a second term."
That was the entire item tucked into near-obscurity on page A4 — and that's a shame. Particularly in Minnesota, that second sentence deserved a lot better play.
For 150 years, Minnesota has led the nation in dalliance with multiparty politics. Consider: The Prohibition Party endorsed its first candidate for Minnesota governor in 1869. The first non-Republican governor to be elected after the Civil War, John Lind, was endorsed by the Democratic, Silver Republican and Populist parties. The state's dominant party in the 1930s wasn't Republican or Democratic. It was the Farmer-Labor Party, which merged with the Democrats in 1944.
More's the point: The reason President Donald Trump nearly broke the Democratic Party's 40-year hold on this state's Electoral College votes in 2016 was not because Trump won more North Star State votes than did the losing 2012 Republican presidential candidate, Mitt Romney. (Well, Trump did outpoll Romney in Minnesota, but only by about 3,000 votes. In a state election in which nearly 3 million people voted, that's chump change.)
Rather, Hillary Clinton's narrow escape in Minnesota was the result of a surge in votes for third-party candidates for president. More than a quarter-million Minnesotans cast their 2016 presidential ballots for the likes of the Green Party's Jill Stein, Libertarian Gary Johnson, five other no-names from obscure parties, or a write-in favorite.
That was nearly four times more third-party presidential votes than were cast in Minnesota in 2012.
Several observations apropos the 2020 presidential contest spring from those numbers. One is that being an early favorite for a major-party nomination does not mean one is a strong candidate. Clinton clearly wasn't. She had considerably less support among Minnesotans than Barack Obama did four years earlier. Obama's 2012 Minnesota tally topped Clinton's in 2016 by nearly 180,000 votes.
Another is that the 2016 results don't suggest that Trump's appeal goes beyond the usual GOP base in Minnesota, or that he is poised to win the state in 2020. On the contrary: When one accounts for the growth in the state's voting-age population between 2012 and 2016, one can argue (at risk of inciting a presidential tweetstorm) that Trump did more poorly than Romney did in the state.