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If D.J. Tice’s recent defense of the Electoral College is the best that can be offered, then the case for retaining it is thin indeed (“Walz is wrong about the Electoral College,” Strib Voices, Oct. 14).
To Tice, it is somehow desirable that presidential campaigns must court support in — to use his example — Beaver County, Pa., at the expense of more populous, less narrowly contested locales such as California or Texas.
To begin, it should be noted that state boundaries are entirely arbitrary accidents of history. To give these boundaries importance in the election of a chief executive for the nation as a whole is, as we say in Minnesota, different. This fact alone should be sufficient argument for a switch to a national popular election.
But there is more. Given the significant differences in state populations and in the distribution of political sentiment, the Electoral College magnifies the votes of the few at the expense of the many. Tice sees this as a virtue. To him, the fact that Hillary Clinton’s margin of victory in California was greater than her margin nationally is somehow meaningful, exactly as if those 4 million people mean less than a much smaller number of people in a battleground state. To Tice, garnering the support of American voters who happen to live in the wrong place is “running up vote totals.” Well, yes.
Finally, the Electoral College is not as robust to fraud as Tice seems to think. He argues that “one must win — or cheat — in many separate places.” The word “or” has a heavy lift here. In a tight Electoral College race, one might need to cheat in only one state. And as we have begun to see, this may not require the successful manufacture or disappearance of votes. It may only require sufficient administrative malfeasance — potentially at relatively local levels — to throw the result into doubt.
The “scholarly study” Tice cites contains no empirical analysis; rather, it propounds a model that supports the conclusion that more highly contested states naturally will provide less opportunity for fraud to succeed than in a state controlled by one party. Yet it is entirely possible for a state under one-party control to be tightly contested in a presidential election.