Opinion editor’s note: Star Tribune Opinion publishes a mix of national and local commentaries online and in print each day. To contribute, click here.
•••
In her compelling congressional testimony during the 2019 impeachment inquiry into then-President Donald Trump’s conduct regarding Ukraine, Fiona Hill, who had been deputy assistant to the president and senior director for European and Russian affairs on the National Security Council, implored lawmakers to “not promote politically driven falsehoods that so clearly advance Russian interests.”
Five years hence, Russian interests are again advanced by politically driven falsehoods, and they may directly affect the expected vote in the U.S. House this weekend on Ukraine aid. Already, “the debate about it has been unbelievably damaging to Ukraine, because it has signaled a lack of commitment to support the country and its ability to fend off Russia,” Hill told me in an interview on Thursday before she addressed a capacity crowd at a Global Minnesota event.
The political “battle,” as Hill labeled it, “signals to Russia that the United States can be basically manipulated, because a lot of the reasons that have been put forward to oppose the bill by people like [Georgia Republican U.S. Rep.] Marjorie Taylor Greene and many others is basically replete with the same themes that have been made in Russian propaganda.”
It’s not just Hill — a nonpartisan foreign policy professional who served in the George W. Bush, Obama and Trump administrations — calling out the congressional Kremlin echoes. It’s prominent Republican representatives like Michael McCaul, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, who told Puck News that Russian propaganda “has infected a good chunk of my party’s base.” And Ohio Rep. Michael R. Turner, chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, who told CNN’s “State of the Union” program that “we see directly coming from Russia attempts to mask communications that are anti-Ukraine and pro-Russia messages — some of which we even hear being uttered on the House floor.” This makes it more difficult to rightly position the war as “an authoritarian-versus-democracy battle,” said Turner, who added that “Ukraine needs our help and assistance now, and this is a very critical time for the U.S. Congress to step up and provide that aid.”
The Kremlin’s intent is evident in a classified addendum to a Foreign Ministry document obtained by the Washington Post that calls for an “offensive information campaign” that spans “the military-political, economic and trade and informational psychological spheres” against the U.S. and the West. It’s important, the document states, “to create a mechanism for finding the vulnerable points of their external and internal policies with the aim of developing practical steps to weaken Russia’s opponents.”
We’re “awash in a sea of Russian propaganda all of the time,” said Hill, who added that it compares to the 2016 election, when Russian operatives “were able to manipulate public opinion in the United States.” There’s still the “ability to do that because of our own vulnerabilities and political differences,” she said, pointing out “the fact that Ukraine has become a domestic political crisis issue is very telling.”