If you can't beat 'em, join 'em. That's the spirit of the law proposed by California Gov. Gavin Newsom to empower private citizens to sue anyone who makes or sells assault rifles in the state.
The law violates the Second Amendment as interpreted by a federal district court in California. The idea is to circumvent the constitutional ban for a time — just as the Texas legislature has circumvented Roe v. Wade by empowering private citizens to sue abortion providers.
Now that the Supreme Court has limited the abortion providers' ability to get the Texas law frozen in protection of their constitutional rights, Newsom wants to send the message that what is sauce for the conservative goose is also sauce for the liberal gander.
Beyond the legal detail, which I'll explain in a moment, is a serious, deep question: Should liberals stoop to the level of conservatives in circumventing federal courts' authority? Is this one of those situations where when one side is playing hardball, it's foolish to bring a whiffle bat? Or is the Constitution in this instance an arena of principle, in which meeting constitutional disrespect with more constitutional disrespect will only erode the rule of law?
The stakes are high. Problems such as these are going to recur as the conservative Supreme Court loses legitimacy and progressives call more and more for its judgments and those of the lower courts to be disrespected.
It's a close call because of the outrageousness of the Texas law and the Supreme Court's erroneous decision on it. But thinking seriously about the underlying issues, this is a circumstance in which liberals should stand up for the Constitution, the rights it provides and the authority of the courts. Liberals are right to not like the Supreme Court's decisions. But joining the conservative disrespect for law is a potentially disastrous strategy — especially with Donald Trump preparing to run for president in 2024.
The legal background here is that the Texas Legislature passed an abortion ban designed to get around its unconstitutionality by authorizing private citizens, not state law enforcement, to sue abortion providers. The strategy accepts that, unless Roe v. Wade is overturned, the state law will eventually be overturned.
The Legislature's point was to stop abortion providers from immediately getting a federal court to grant an injunction freezing the law. To do that, you ordinarily ask the court to order the state attorney general not to enforce the law. But if the attorney general has no enforcement powers, Texas gambled, the courts would conclude that there is no public official to be given such an order. Meanwhile, there is little precedent for a federal court to order the whole world to not bring a private lawsuit, even under a law that is obviously unconstitutional.